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Saudi Arabian Headscarves: Regional Heritage and Contemporary Design

Amani's•16 min read•Updated October 28, 2026

Saudi Arabian headscarves are easier to appreciate when a garment’s name, construction and setting remain part of its story. A style can be meaningful because of the work in its cloth, the way several pieces belong together, or the idea a designer wants to express. This account follows regional headwear and individual creative choices, so you can recognise those different kinds of interest without expecting one scarf to represent every Saudi woman’s wardrobe.

Begin with regional names and separate components

Saudipedia’s account of traditional women’s garments offers a useful introduction to the vocabulary. It describes al-shilah or at-tarhah as a head covering, while distinguishing the face coverings called niqab and burqa. It also describes litham as an arrangement in which the cloth covers the mouth and nose. These are related clothing choices, rather than several names for an identical piece.

The account becomes more specific when it turns to regions. For Madinah, it describes the mihramah, including plain examples and ones with hand-decorated edges. For the Eastern Province, it describes the shaylah, previously known as milfa’a. Read these as an institutional description of heritage vocabulary, rather than a survey of what every woman currently wears.

That distinction gives an outfit more detail. A headcloth may be discussed separately from a face covering, and the decoration at its edge may deserve its own attention. Using the local name supplied with a particular example keeps its regional context visible without turning it into a rule for the whole country.

Hijazi terminology also describes shape

The Mansoojat Foundation’s glossary distinguishes several parts of women’s headwear in the Hijaz. Some terms identify the cloth’s shape; others describe a supporting piece or a more constructed covering.

Name Form described by Mansoojat
Mihramah A rectangular women’s head covering.
Mudawarah A square covering made from fine fabric.
Shambar A triangular cloth or crochet piece, secured with ties, that helps anchor the mihramah.
Qarqoosh A covering that sits like a hat and has a back extension reaching the shoulders.

The shambar is particularly revealing: a finished appearance can depend on a piece beneath the more visible cloth. The qarqoosh introduces another possibility, with shaping around the head and fabric continuing behind it. Neither can be understood fully as a different decorative fold in an ordinary rectangle.

These definitions concern the forms and locations recorded by the foundation. They make a useful vocabulary for the examples that follow, while leaving room for different spellings and local uses of a name.

Hijazi cloth could extend beyond the head

Mansoojat’s Hijaz milayah record describes a substantial rectangular wrap worn outdoors. Two panels form the garment, with decorative bands and tassels along its edge. The foundation identifies the cloth as silk imported from India or Indonesia; it does not settle on one of those origins for the example.

This is a different scale of clothing from a small scarf. Its joined panels create a broad surface, while the worked edge gives that surface a defined finish. The description draws attention to the relationship between cloth and outline: decoration can frame a wrap without filling its entire centre.

The imported fabric also belongs in the story. A garment associated with Hijazi dress need not have every material produced locally. Here, the useful connection is between a particular wrap, the cloth identified in its record and its outdoor role. The record leaves the date and individual wearer unknown, while preserving a clear account of the wrap’s construction and imported material.

A white face covering with an embroidered front

A separate Mansoojat record of a Hijazi white burqu describes fine gauze that has been heavily starched. Embroidery runs along the front, with different floral motifs and variations in length.

Those details change the visual character of the piece. White gauze, a worked front and a starched finish offer a specific combination of material and treatment. The floral decoration belongs to that combination; it need not be turned into a symbol shared by every woman who wore a face covering.

The entry is short and does not identify an individual wearer, a making date or a single occasion for use. Its value lies in the garment it actually describes. Beside a headcloth or a larger wrap, it adds another distinct component to the account of Hijazi dress. The term burqu here refers to a face piece, so it should not be confused with a full body garment merely because similar spellings appear elsewhere.

Sulaym headwear: cloth, buttons and a separate band

Two other Mansoojat entries show headwear alongside Sulaym dresses. In one ensemble, the foundation describes a black rectangular headdress whose geometric decoration combines red cloth with nacre buttons. In another, it describes a circular iqal: woven leather interspersed with silver beads and wrapped around a malleable core.

The two records reveal different kinds of work. On the cloth, colour and buttons create a surface pattern. In the band, the construction itself brings leather, beads and an internal core together. The foundation presents both within Sulaym clothing, but it does not say that the separately photographed pieces were worn together.

Keeping the examples separate preserves that distinction. It also gives a more precise account of ornament than describing everything as embroidery. Applied fabric, buttons, beadwork and the making of a band contribute differently to the headwear’s appearance. The records provide no exact manufacture dates, and their website publication dates should not be mistaken for the ages of the garments.

Beads, shaped coverings and the structure beneath decoration

The Museum of International Folk Art holds a twentieth-century Bani Malik head covering from the Hijaz, numbered A.2018.5.8. Its black rectangular cloth has a natural cotton lining, with red, white and blue beads forming a headband and chinstrap. The chinstrap has five strands separated by five small leather dividers.

The lower decoration brings several techniques together. Applied pieces use cotton, silk and plastic; silver and glass beads form triangles and zigzags. Red, yellow and blue wool tassels are attached with white beads. Five strips of leather fringe each carry a silver bead.

Behind this patterned surface, a wooden dowel is attached to the lining above the outer beadwork. The arrangement therefore includes an internal support as well as the visible decoration. The whole object measures about 75.5 by 49.4 centimetres, with a depth of 2.8 centimetres.

The detail rewards a closer look: the spacing of the chinstrap, the direction of the beaded motifs and the separate strands along the lower edge all contribute to its construction. The museum identifies a region, community and broad period; the original wearer is unnamed.

A Bani Malik cap recorded from the 2000s

The Zay Initiative’s Bani Malik headcap record describes another construction: a black cotton hood extending towards the shoulders. The archive dates this example to the 2000s and associates it with Taif. Its seams are machine stitched, while patterned ribbon has been applied by hand around the edges.

The ribbon combines silver, red and black in a geometric arrangement. Zay calls the form quba’ah, also recording gargush, and notes that size and shape can vary with location, use and the intended wearer. This cap is less extensively decorated than other examples of its type: its ornament concentrates on the perimeter.

It belongs to a five-piece ensemble, alongside a dress, trousers, a headband and a flask. The headcap and dress use the same black cotton. Collected together in 2021, the pieces give the cap an ensemble context as well as an individual catalogue entry.

Its recent date is part of its interest. Machine stitching and hand-applied decoration coexist in this particular garment. Regional identity is expressed through a shaped covering and its accompanying pieces, with variation in how fully the surface is ornamented.

A collector’s account of an usabah

In her 2021 account for The Zay Initiative, collector Brid Beeler describes an usabah, a decorated circlet in her own collection. Its band is covered in black wool and worked with small silver beads. Five cowrie shells are spaced around it; three more decorate a leather triangle at the back.

That triangular piece joins the ends of the circlet and supports three pendant cords. They hang to different lengths, the longest reaching 51 centimetres. Beadwork continues onto the heads of the wool tassels, while their fringes are red. Beeler distinguishes the fine silver beads from the rougher lead-alloy beads used on the pendants.

She bought the headpiece from a dealer in Taif in the early 2000s. His attribution to Bani Salim is preserved in her acquisition story, rather than documented by an identified original wearer.

The construction makes the back of the headpiece as significant as the circular band. Shells are distributed around the circlet, while the descending cords concentrate a different arrangement of material behind it. Beeler’s close description records that workmanship even where the circumstances of its earlier use remain uncertain.

A long beaded cloth described as a bukhnug

Beeler’s separate August 2021 account of a bukhnug concerns a black cotton head and shoulder covering acquired in Taif. She records its dimensions as 58 by 306 centimetres, including tassels, and its weight as two kilograms. Orange and rose-coloured appliqué and metal beadwork give the cloth a strongly worked surface.

Beeler identifies an undecorated section as the area that crossed the forehead, an explanation she also received from the dealer. That detail makes the distribution of work as interesting as its abundance. A length of cloth can contain densely ornamented sections and a quieter area related to where it meets the wearer.

The dealer attributed the piece to Bani Saad and supplied an estimate of its age. Those statements belong to Beeler’s acquisition account; they do not establish a precise manufacturing date. Her measurements and description, meanwhile, give specific information about the object she examined.

This example invites attention to scale. A long, substantial covering with concentrated beadwork has a different material character from a lightweight contemporary scarf.

A Harb face piece carries several material histories

A Hijazi face covering in Zay’s archive, associated with Bani Harb, combines calico cotton with extensive metal decoration. The record describes almond-shaped eye openings, a stitched central fold forming a nose ridge, and ties attached at the upper corners.

The ornament includes hanging elements, bands around the openings, beads and four Ottoman coins along the lower edge. Some metal is described tentatively as possibly silver. The archive also notes missing or surviving fragments, including the apparent loss of one pendant strand. The piece has a condition history as well as a decorative scheme.

The coins bear the date 1327 in the Islamic calendar, identified by the archive as 1909. Although the catalogue also uses 1909 in its date field, that evidence should not be stretched into certainty about when every part of the covering was assembled.

Cloth, attachments and coins can each carry a different history. Preserving that distinction makes the object more informative: the visible ornament supplies clues, while unanswered questions about its making remain unanswered.

Preservation includes the parts that hold a covering together

A Durham University conservation account published in 2020 follows treatment of a Saudi veil associated with Harb dress. It combines layered textiles, leather and metal attachments. Its resemblance to mid-twentieth-century examples is a comparison, rather than an established manufacturing date; whether it served daily or occasional use also remains uncertain.

The most serious problem lay beneath coins along the central strip. Corrosion had damaged the threads holding them in place. Conservators added stitched supports, working between the textile layers and using existing stitch holes where possible.

They treated different components differently. Stable silver threads and pewter beads were left without solvent cleaning. A protective coating for the metal was considered but rejected because it could spread onto neighbouring threads and could not be applied evenly. A new mount supported the veil for display and storage.

These were professional decisions for one object in a particular condition. They reveal how closely its materials depend on one another: a problem at a metal attachment can become a problem for the cloth beneath it. Preserving the ornament also means preserving the places where that ornament is fastened.

Knowing the sequence can depend on the wearer

A report preserved in Saudi Aramco World’s 2008 compilation describes a Mansoojat visit to Um Saad in Taif. She demonstrated clothing from her daughter’s wedding ensemble, including a headpiece made up of seven parts. Members of the visiting group photographed or sketched the arrangement as she explained it.

Hamida Alireza, a founding member and curator, described learning how garments were worn as one of the collection’s hardest tasks. An acquired piece could preserve its material without preserving the knowledge needed to put an ensemble together. During the visit, researcher Laila Feda also observed Um Saad’s beadwork closely, recording the sequence of stitches.

The account places women’s practical knowledge at the centre of preservation. A headdress is more than a group of objects laid beside a dress: its order and arrangement are part of what makes it wearable.

That is why Um Saad’s demonstration matters. Her explanation supplied information that a loose component or an attractive photograph could not necessarily provide, connecting the surviving pieces with a specific family ensemble and the person who knew how they belonged together.

Mansoojat’s own collection account describes an initiative established by Saudi women, with documentation developed through field visits, academic research and regional specialists. It also acknowledges that some regions are better represented than others because of the garments available through donations and fieldwork.

This qualification matters to the story of Saudi headwear. A richly documented group of garments can offer considerable detail without representing the whole country in equal proportions. The collection makes particular forms visible; its uneven coverage leaves further histories to be recovered. Regional expertise and the availability of surviving clothing both shape what can be described.

Contemporary headscarves: cloth, pattern and individual design

Zay’s woven tulle scarf, ZI2022.501005.28 KSA, offers a different surface. The archive dates it broadly to the twenty-first century and records an anonymous donation from Saudi Arabia in 2022. Its black, Point d’Esprit-style tulle carries floral repeats within a geometric grid of rhombuses.

The catalogue suggests that the flowers may be roses. That tentative identification should remain tentative, while the relationship between floral and geometric forms is clearly described. The grid connects the motifs, giving an otherwise dark scarf an organised pattern.

The record also places this type of covering across several Gulf countries and beyond. Its Saudi donation history does not make the form exclusive to Saudi Arabia. Nor does the word tulle identify the fibre in this particular object; the catalogue does not supply a specific fibre composition.

For understanding style, the useful detail is the interaction of pattern and open structure. A black scarf can carry intricate decoration through the organisation of the fabric itself. Its visual interest comes from that arrangement of openings and motifs, with the dark colour keeping attention on the patterned surface.

Preparing scarves for an international fashion presentation

In The National’s February 2017 interview, Sara Rayess discussed preparing Foulard for London Modest Fashion Week. Born and raised in Saudi Arabia, the Syrian-German designer described a label focused on scarves and headbands. Her work included choosing fabrics and arranging fashion shoots with her team.

The report identified lace and chiffon among the materials in the scarves planned for the presentation. Rayess explained that showing in Europe was a new opportunity for the brand. This is a dated account of a designer’s intentions and preparation, rather than evidence that one collection defined Saudi women’s clothing.

It also gives international exchange a concrete form: a designer based in Saudi Arabia preparing particular scarf designs for a London audience. The scarf is the subject of the presentation, rather than an unnamed accessory added to a dress.

For someone interested in contemporary Saudi style, that distinction is useful. The creative decisions can begin with headwear itself—its fabric, form and presentation—without needing a claim that every scarf follows a single inherited pattern.

Sara Rayess connects scarf patterns with particular stories

Rayess explained her design references in Lucire KSA’s July 2019 interview. Born in Riyadh and raised in Jeddah, she studied graphic design at Dar Al-Hekma University before taking a fashion course in London. She traced her interest in making headscarves to her own search for designs that worked with her clothes.

Her family used the French word foulard for a scarf, which supplied the name of her label. She described combining cultural references rather than working from one fixed decorative vocabulary.

Mandaloun drew on patterns associated with windows and doors in old Syrian houses. Tayr, meaning bird, used embroidered birds to express her idea of freedom. With Third Culture, she developed Lam Shaml, a patterned scarf carrying illustrations that represented a country or culture.

Those meanings belong to the named collections. Rayess’s bird motif has a stated intention; birds on other garments need not carry the same message. The three projects also use different sources of imagery—architecture, an embroidered creature and cultural illustration—showing how her training and personal references enter the design of the scarf itself.

Different designers describe different uses

Interviews published in Harper’s Bazaar Arabia’s January 2021 feature, later republished online, describe several approaches to designing headwear. Karima Saleh of Kaaf Meem described customers choosing colours to combine with abayas and everyday clothing. Her account began with the relationship between separate garments.

Rawan Azhar of Ta Marbota described introducing headscarves alongside travel wear, then developing embroidered versions. She connected the designs with customers wanting scarves that complemented their clothes. Mariam bin Mahfouz, meanwhile, discussed moving from turban designs at Sotra to a snood collection at Haal Inc.

These are the designers’ descriptions of their own work and customers. They are not a national survey, and a stated preference in that feature does not become a permanent Saudi colour trend.

Together, the accounts make the creative choices more specific: colour coordination, the placement of embroidery and a change in the scarf’s form. They also leave space for different wardrobes. A scarf designed as part of a coordinated collection and one developed around a particular shape need not answer exactly the same wearing preference.

Kawthar Alhoraish uses the headscarf to express individuality

In a 2022 Harper’s Bazaar Arabia interview, Kawthar Alhoraish explained the thinking behind Art-by-Kaf’s The Reborn collection. She used headscarves that might initially appear similar, then distinguished them through colour and the type of knot.

Alhoraish presented that variation as an image of individuality: women can be perceived as alike from the outside while having different inner lives. This was her artistic proposition. It should not be mistaken for historical evidence that Saudi women once dressed identically, or for proof that a collection changes everyone’s experience of empowerment.

The design itself gives the idea a visible form. Repetition establishes a relationship between the scarves; differences in colour and arrangement prevent them from becoming interchangeable. A relatively focused set of choices can therefore carry a larger personal statement.

For a wearer, the invitation is to notice what a particular arrangement expresses to her. There is room to enjoy a familiar scarf shape and still make an individual decision about its colour or knot. The collection supplies a creative interpretation, while the wearer retains her own reasons for choosing it.

Asma Sorour reworks a scarf encountered at a vintage shop

Saudi Gazette’s November 2022 interview with Asma Sorour follows another route into design. A scarf on display at a closed vintage shop caught her attention. She photographed it and later developed an illustrated reinterpretation during the pandemic.

Sorour described the earlier piece as a pink scarf bearing King Saud’s image, associated with souvenirs made in India for pilgrims during the 1950s and 1960s. That history is her account of the reference she encountered; it is not independently established museum provenance for the original scarf.

The creative relationship is nevertheless clear. Sorour began with a specific textile image and used illustration to make a new interpretation. The resulting work belongs to a contemporary design process, even when its subject looks back to an earlier period.

This example broadens the possible meaning of scarf pattern beyond abstract ornament. A scarf may carry a portrait, a remembered journey or a historical association. Those meanings deserve accurate attribution. In Sorour’s project, the portrait and its reported souvenir history remain connected to a specific textile encounter and her later work as an illustrator.

A headscarf can connect the ideas within a new ensemble

In Arab News’s February 2026 report, Fahda Al-Battah discussed Journey Through Time, a collection developed with Abeer Al-Moammar for Adara by Fa. Its regional references included landscape, architecture and the gathering of dates. In the concluding ensemble, a sheila carrying words attributed to King Abdulaziz connected the collection’s different regional stories with an idea of unity.

The headscarf had a role within the composition: its text contributed to the designer’s intended message. That is a contemporary use of heritage, rather than a claim that the ensemble reproduces one historical outfit.

In the same report, designer Amar Al-Amdar argued that adapting heritage should involve purpose, rather than simply moving a familiar element to a new place. His view provides a useful question for enjoying new work: what is the scarf doing within this particular design?

The answer may lie in its cloth, its arrangement or the story its designer gives it. Understanding that intention leaves you free to appreciate the work and decide what belongs in your own wardrobe.

Read the clothing within a wider setting

Our account of the abaya and Saudi women’s public lives considers a different part of the Saudi clothing conversation. For a separate regional comparison, explore Emirati shayla heritage and design; use its named objects and makers without assuming that similar garment terms describe identical traditions.

Shop related collectionsAbayas →Prayer Wear →Hijabs →
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Written and reviewed by the Amani's styling team, women who live in modest fashion every day. We test fit, fabric and feel so every guide is honest, practical and genuinely helpful.